We
will take a close look at two aspects of the inauguration: the ritual and the
mythical. The first deals with the festivities of the ceremony that act as an
introduction to the orators and their speeches. The second relates to the
content of the speeches themselves which eulogize, better yet, mythologize the
hero to whom the monument is dedicated.
At
the inauguration, the hero whose identity is immortalized in the stone is
literally consecrated by the monument. The people who congregate for the
ceremony recreate a time of vital significance in history. By the same token,
the audience -the elected representatives of society as a whole- endorses the
hero as a national figure who is chosen as a prototype of American political
foundation. By their presence they acknowledge the hero's meaningful legacy to
history.
As
we have described elsewhere, the discovery and foundation of a new territory has a
mythological significance. The first to discover a new land, or the first
president of a new political reality is a primal event of historical and
mythological significance. His name and his role in American history has a
unique place above all other historical figures and events.
Thus, the Washington National Monument was erected to celebrate the primordial
in the United States' history, similar in fashion to the erection of temples and
sacred buildings dedicated for the most sacred purposes. In that respect, the
Monument becomes central in American history. To use Mircea Eliade's words, the
Monument becomes an axis mundi.4 The "axis" from which
everything began and from where everything flows. As such, the Washington
National Monument symbolizes the beginning of the nation's political history
built at the center of the political power of the United States of America.
The
type of monument chosen is fitting. Nothing could have better represented the
hero's grandeur. No monument could have been more adequate to express how
central the hero is to American history and politics. Moreover, the shaft could
not have been more appropriate to symbolize the idea of the center and
patriarchy.
The
type of structure and the site were specifically chosen to reflect a symbolic
and mythical expression. The people responsible for this task were concerned
about finding the most appropriate place.
It may be here remarked,
with reference to the site selected for the Monument, that the foundations were
laid but a short distance to the east of the meridian line run, at the instance
of the President Jefferson, by Nicholas King, surveyor, October 15, 1804...This
line, by the president's instructions, passed through the center of the White
House, and where it intersected a line due east and west through the center of
the Capitol a small monument or pyramid of stones was placed...5
The
center yields an important symbolic significance in most mythologies. As a
sacred space it stands apart from the ordinariness of its surrounding. In the
world of mythology, the axis mundi is represented in different forms: a
tree, a mountain, a ladder, or a pillar. Yet they all symbolize the
communication between the two cosmic arenas: heaven and earth, and the center
and its periphery.
Similarly, the Holy of Holies was at the center of the temple of Jerusalem, also
considered to be at the center of the world. In Greek mythology, the shrine of
Apollo at Delphi was also declared the earth's center. For Islam, Jerusalem is
equally the center of its faith, and the Muslim Dome of the Rock is the sacred
place from where the prophet Muhammed ascended to heaven.6
*
In its proportions the
ratios of the dimensions of the several parts of the ancient Egyptian obelisk
have been carefully followed.7
These remarks by Col. Thomas Lincoln Casey, chief engineer in charge of the
Monument, were made to reveal that it was to be a larger replica of an Egyptian
obelisk -an erected stone carved into a four sided pillar crowned with a small
pyramid called the pyramidion. The Washington Monument is a much larger replica
than the original obelisks found in Egypt. These were made out of a single block
of rock, whereas the capital's structure is made of 36,000 blocks of stone.
The Egyptians usually
erected the obelisks in pairs in front of Egyptian temples. They were believed
to be sacred. Scholars are still uncertain about their specific use or function.
Obelisks are nevertheless a unique symbol of Egyptian culture. Romans were so
fascinated by the pillars that they moved several of them to Rome.
In
ancient Egypt, the pyramidion that crowned the monolith was probably covered
with gold to reflect the sun's rays.8 The pyramidion, in all
likelihood, also crowned the great pyramids of Egypt. Technically, the obelisk
symbolizes a ray of light emanating from the sun. The pointed pillars were
perhaps relevant symbols of light and life, and the daily course of the sun as
opposed to the pyramids that were symbols of darkness and death, and the setting
sun. The earliest obelisks are believed to have been erected in the 4th dynasty
(circa 2613-2494 bc). No examples from that era remain today.
In
the late 19th century, the government of Egypt gave one of the two Ramses'
obelisks ornating the Luxor temple to France where it stands in Paris' Place de
la Concorde. Two other obelisks were shipped to England and to the United
States. Both were taken from Heliopolis. They were dedicated to Thutmose III and
bear the inscriptions and legends of two pharaohs: Thutmose III, and Ramses II
(1304-1237 bc). One stands on the Thames' embankment, in London, the other is in
Central Park, in New York City.
The
connection between the Washington National Monument and the gift from Egypt is,
to say the least, a suitable symbol of the continuity between an ancient
civilization and an emerging one.
History of the Monument
The
Washington National Monument Society was founded in 1833 because Congress did
not keep its promise to erect a monument deserving of the national hero. Several
unsuccessful attempts were made to collect the necessary funds before the
Society took over. And it was not until 1884 that the Monument was finally
completed.
In
1853, Congress appropriated $50,000 for the erection of an "equestrian statue"
of George Washington. It was unveiled on February 22nd 1860 in the east park of
the Capitol. The Society viewed the statue as unworthy of the national hero and
persevered to build a monument equal in stature to George Washington.
In
1835, two years after the foundation of the Society, its first president, John
Marshall, died and was replaced by the ex-president of the United States, James
Madison. Upon the death of James Madison, the Society amended its constitution
so that the president in office became ex-officio president of the
Society. Andrew Jackson was the first to honor this function under the newly
amended constitution.
On
the 4th of July 1848, the first cornerstone was laid. To celebrate the occasion
a ceremony was organized.
By
January 1853, the Monument had risen 126 feet above ground.
On
March 8th, 1854, a block of marble sent by Pope Pius IX as a tribute to George
Washington and America that was to be part of the giant structure, was stolen.9
The suspicion quickly pointed toward a group known as the "Know-Nothings". A
secretive anti-Catholic political movement, who at the time enjoyed considerable
Masonic support.10 The group had frequently expressed in the daily
press the view that the stone sent by the Roman Catholic Church should not be
part of the Monument. The theft enraged the Catholics in the U.S. and abroad. It
also alienated part of the population from the funding of the Monument.
The
Society subsequently fell at the hands of a narrow political faction influenced
by the "Know-Nothings". It practically froze the progress of the Society toward
the funding and construction of the Monument. Finally, in February of 1859 the
Society decided to end its internal stalemate and adopted a new charter to
eliminate any opposition to the completion of their project.
One
year later, the Civil War further delayed progress in the construction.
The
war and the poor state of the economy slowed the collection of funds and the
completion of the Monument. Not until 1874 did the construction gain any
momentum. It was largely due to the interest of the Masonic Order and other
organizations like the Odd Fellows, the Knights of Pythias, the Independent
Order of Red Men, the Temperance, and other fraternal bodies. But the success of
the enterprise was mostly owed to the special interest of the Masonic Order who
supervised the completion of the Monument.
On
December 6th, 1884, the giant structure was finally completed. The last piece of
stone was put atop the marble shaft measuring 555 feet and 5 inches.
On
February 21st, 1885, the Capitol proceeded to the dedication of the Washington
National Monument. All of the capital's dignitaries were present as Rev.
Henderson Suter said a prayer at the beginning of the ceremonies. Shortly after,
a Masonic function took place at the base of the Monument, followed by the
address of the Grand Master Mason, Myron M. Parker. The dedication was completed
by the oration of Hon. Robert C. Winthrop.
It
shouldn't come as a surprise to see the Grand Master Mason at the laying of the
cornerstone and later at the inauguration of the Monument. The organization
played a sizable part in the collection of the funds to build the structure. But
there is another reason for the brotherhood's interest in the building and their
overwhelming presence at the ceremonies. George Washington was himself a
Freemason.
The dedication
The
great show that is the dedication enables us to unveil how the mythical and the
ritual work hand in hand in the building of the national identity. The greater
the hero, the larger the ceremony, and the bigger the monument. The rank and
stature of dignitaries is also akin to the grandeur of the hero. Everything is
planned carefully. The order of the march, the sequence of the orators, the
speeches, the music, and the dramatic display of the festivities. But the most
important feature of the dedication are the speeches themselves. The orators
have put forth their best rhetoric abilities to eulogize the hero in all his
glory.
Appropriately enough, the first president of the United States of America and
the origins of rhetoric have something in common: democracy.
The
first rules of rhetoric appear to have begun in Syracuse, circa 500 bc. When
exiles returned to their homeland after being dispossessed of their property by
a despotic ruler, they had no written records to prove the ownership of their
property to the new government. In order to solve the disputes, a newly
democratic system of debate was devised where verbal claims of ownership could
be settled. To help the litigants improve their persuasiveness, teachers, some
of them Sophists, developed rules of elocution and persuasiveness. As a result,
a new discipline was born: rhetoric. The term comes from the Greek word rhema
which was later translated into Latin as verbum, meaning word.11
The
discipline eventually evolved into the "science" of speaking effectively so to
persuade an audience. At about the same time that the Monument was being built,
rhetoric was being dropped from the cursus studiorum in the colleges of
Europe. In the second half of the XIXth century, classical rhetoric lost its
appeal in the schools as a general discipline. Lately, however, there has been a
resurgence of interest in the subject.12
*
Although the Monument is a visible relic that everyone can see, the dramatic
effect of the ceremony cannot be reproduced. The only thing that remains for us
is an account of the festivities and the record of the speeches. Frederich
Harvey's account in "History of the Washington National Monument and Washington
Monument Society", published in 1903, holds tremendous value for our study. And
although the speeches are devoid of the rhetorical effect of the delivery, their
content is a valuable data for analysis. The book reveals the important aspects
of the ritualization and mythologizing process of the image of the First
President and the Founding Father of the United States of America.
The
primal function of rhetoric is to make a speech as convincing as possible,
making the content plausible and believable. Yet the ultimate purpose is to
convince the audience to believe in the sacred validity of the Founding Father.
To achieve these goals the Romans had three principles of elocution: docere,
delectare, and movere: namely, to teach, to captivate, and to move the
audience.
These functions are also applied to the sermon, from the Latin sermo
meaning to talk. Similarly, Rabbis use their rhetorical abilities to "instruct"
the law. The Koran is most efficient and most beautiful when it is read aloud.
In Zen Buddhism, the verbal use of paradox, or koans, is most enchanting
when spoken. And the elocution of the Tao te Ching of Taoism is
considered to be the most beautiful form of expression of the Chinese language.
Furthermore, Jesus Christ did not write his message, he proclaimed it. The
kerygma of the Word is most effective when it is preached. It is quintessential
in the propagation of faith. Similarly, political speeches are essential in the
propaganda of ideology.
Hence, the "word" is used to promote and edify a reality in the mind of the
people who listen.
Today, the mass-media applies similar techniques in advertising to influence
their audience.
The speeches
Harvey's document accounts for two ceremonies. The first, at the beginning, at
the laying of the first cornerstone, and the second, at the completion of the
superstructure. Both are equal in importance, yet are 37 years apart.
The
first ceremony was celebrated on the 4th of July 1848. For the occasion, the
president of the United States, James K. Polk, and dignitaries of the capital
were present, as well as Senators, Representatives of Congress, the Military,
delegations from the States, and several "Indian" tribes. In addition, 15,000 to
20,000 spectators were all gathered for the festivities. On that day, the
initial stone, a block of marble weighing twenty-four thousand five hundred
pounds, was laid.
The
following is a newspaper excerpt that describes the mood of the festivities:
The day was fine. The rain
had laid the dust and infused a delicious freshness in the air. The procession
was extensive and beautiful...When the lengthened procession had reached the
site of the Monument they were joined by a whole cortege of ladies and
gentlemen; and we are free to say we never beheld so magnificent a spectacle.13
The
whole setting has a central goal: to focus the attention on the speeches that
recreate the life and image of the hero who is the object of the celebration.
These eulogies, also called panegyric, have for their sole purpose to glorify
and consecrate the Founding Father. The rhetorical function is to influence the
audience to collectively hail the national hero.
The
whole gathering is besieged by the sacredness of the event. As the speeches
affect the crowd, the crowd in return collectively sanctions the message. In the
process, the image of George Washington is mythically anointed as a primordial
hero, vital to the nation's identity. As the Monument that stands erected toward
the heavens in the background, the orators proclaim the hero a primordial
symbol, visible to all.
The man is the monument; the
monument is America.14
The
ceremony began with a prayer delivered by Rev. Mr. McJilton. In it he outlined
the purpose of the dedication: "We plant in earth the shaft that points to
heaven". A tribute to the man who was the instrument of God in the fight for
freedom. The Reverend also disclosed his concern for peace. He expressed his
apprehension about the "union". And he condemned the "savages of the wilderness"
as an obstacle to the free exploitation of the "unknown treasures" and
"limitless territory to the industry and enterprise of man".
The
Reverend also mentioned "Thy church" without reference to any specific creed,
except that it is "of a certain faith". He concluded by asking the blessings and
mediation of Jesus Christ, "our most blessed Lord and Saviour. Amen."
The
prayer was followed by an oration from Honorable Robert C. Winthrop, Speaker of
the House of Representatives. It is the main speech of the ceremonial. Winthrop
was presumably a man of renowned oratorical skills since he was to be invited to
the dedication 37 years later.
the setting....America
the hero........Washington,
Father of his Country
the quest.......Liberty and
Independence
the obstacle...treacherous
enemies
the mentor.....Divine
Providence
the outcome...the Republic
and its Constitution
His
speech is similar in content and in tone to the Reverend's eulogy. He repeated
and expanded on the same themes, most of which are summarized in the thematic
outline above.
The
first category relates to the origin of the American nation and its politics, of
which George Washington is the chief protagonist. The New World is the stage for
the hero's actions which were guided by Divine Providence: they led to the
Revolution and the Constitution of the United States of America. In his quality
of first president, he is hailed as the original founder, the Father of his
Country.
The
elocution refers to the General by different designations, several of which have
already been mentioned. Other titles point to the more ethereal quality of the
man: The "idol", the "favorite of heaven" who yielded a "magic power" and
"majestic authority"
His star has been seen in
every sky, and wise men everywhere have done it homage.15
The
hero's quest outlines a desire for Liberty and Independence. Washington is the
embodiment of these goals in the midst of the colonial struggle.
The
obstacles to his pursuit are referred to as the foreign powers, the wilderness,
the heathen "Indians", and the treacherous enemies that he victoriously
overcomes by his personal prowess.
The
mentor is depicted as the Providence, the Great Spirit, and the Divine Hand that
guides the illustrious hero at all times.
The
outcome is stated as:
He has built his own
monument. We, and those who come after us in successive generations, are its
appointed, its privileged guardians. This widespread Republic is the true
monument to Washington. Maintain its Independence. Uphold its Constitution.
Preserve its Union. Defend its liberty.16
As
soon as the Honorable Robert C. Winthrop finished his eulogy, he was followed on
the podium by Mr. Benjamin B. French Esq., Grand Master of the Masonic
fraternity of the District of Columbia, who began by saying:
Why have we assembled here
to-day (sic)? What means this immense crowd around us? For what, beneath a July
sun, on this anniversary of the birthday of a nation, has this vast multitude
come up, as came Israel of old to the dedication of the Temple of the Lord?1
The
rest of the speech reiterates the same themes that we have outlined above, with
the exception of stressing the fact that the first president was a Freemason.
After his speech, he descended to the cornerstone and performed a Masonic
ceremony at the laying of it.
*
The
dedication, unlike the festivities at the laying of the first cornerstone, were
performed at two locations. It all began at the foot of the Monument and
continued in a long procession toward the Capitol into the Hall of the House of
Representatives.
The
first part of the festivities began at 11 o'clock on February the 21st, 1885.
The celebrations took place in the presence of a great number of visitors from
all parts of the country. The chairman of the Commission, Hon. John Sherman,
presided over the order of the proceedings while the band played on. The first
to step on the podium was Rev. Henderson Suter who said a prayer. He was
followed by Dr. James who read a speech written by W.W. Corcoran.18
Then, Myron Parker, the Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of the District of
Columbia, performed his Masonic ceremonies and delivered his address. He was
followed by the engineer of the joint commission, Col. Thomas L. Casey, who made
some remarks about the construction of the giant structure before he delivered
the Monument to the president of the United States. Finally, President Chester
A. Arthur gave a very brief speech dedicating the Monument to the "immortal name
and memory of George Washington".19
Surprisingly, the dedication was not as elaborate as the laying of the
cornerstone. The most interesting part is the peculiar Masonic ceremony
performed by Myron M. Parker: the Most Worshipful Grand Master of the Grand
Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of the District of Columbia. The brief example
below illustrates the dialogue used by the members of the order for their
ritual:
GRAND MASTER. Right
Worshipful Deputy Grand Master,
what is the proper implement of your office?
DEPUTY GRAND MASTER. The
square, Most Worshipful.
GRAND MASTER. What are its
moral and Masonic uses?
DEPUTY GRAND MASTER. To
square our actions by square
virtue, and prove our work when finished.
GRAND MASTER. Have you
applied the square to the
obelisk, and is the work square?
DEPUTY GRAND MASTER. I have,
and I find the corners to
be square; the workmen have done their duty...20
After the ritual, the Grand Master gave his address. In it, he described how
George Washington was a most distinguished brethren who had openly expressed his
love and devotion for the Order throughout his life.
*
As
the first part of the festivities ended, the crowd followed the dignitaries in a
procession to the Capitol, clearly visible at a distance. They were escorted by
the Army and the Navy. The parade is described as being imposing.
At
the Capitol, all the dignitaries were gathered in the Hall of the House of
Representatives for the official dedication. The president of the Senate, Hon.
George F. Edmunds, presided. He called the assembly to order. He introduced the
Rev. S. A. Wallis who offered a prayer.
Then, Hon. John D. Long, a representative from Massachusetts, was introduced. He
read an oration written by the same Hon. Robert C. Winthrop who had delivered a
speech at the opening ceremonies, thirty seven years earlier. He was unable to
attend due to illness.
In
between the orations, lively music was performed by the United States Marine
Band.
The
content of Winthrop's address is basically the same as the earlier one. The
veneration given to the "immortal name of Washington" can be singly noted:
The glory of Columbus can
never be eclipsed, never approached, till our New World shall require a fresh
discovery; and the glory of Washington will remain unique and peerless until
American Independence shall require to be again achieved, or the foundations of
Constitutional Liberty to be laid anew.21
It
was followed by a speech from Hon. John W. Daniel, of Virginia, who rendered an
"eloquent" oration. He described with verve the great qualities of the national
hero:
...the genius of Washington
was as full-orbed and luminous as the god of day in his zenith.22
He
explained to the assembly that the glorious hero was full of his ancestors'
qualities of a "higher and manlier trait of the Anglo-Saxon".
The
proceedings came to a close. At the end of which a short benediction was
pronounced by Rev. John A. Lindsay D.D., chaplain of the House of
Representatives.
The blessing of God
Almighty, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, be among you and remain with
you always. Amen.23
The image of George
Washington
The
mere mention of the name George Washington can easily stir lively feelings of
pride and patriotism in the hearts of Americans. These emotions are hard to
explain and describe. Yet the devotion is tangible. Men have died and killed for
these feelings. They are at the core of what it means to be American.
The
hero's image unleashes patriotic sentiments that are a powerful source of pride
and national identity. With George Washington, the image is immortalized in the
monumental stone. The mortal man has become other than man. The ordinary being
is transcended into an immortal hero erected at the political center of the U.S.
He is literally consecrated as the symbol of America's political identity. His
symbolic image has eclipsed the mundane reality of his being. The mortal has
been separated from the immortal which is embodied in the Monument.
The
symbolic reality of the Founding Father has overlapped the historical into the
mythical. With the dedication he has been consecrated as "more than man". The
heroic and mythical aspects of the figure have transcended and supplanted the
historical. As a consequence, Washington's name suggests not only images of the
hero but a reality bigger than life, an unfathomable entity: the center of
political power of the United States of America and the content of an entire
cosmology. And the Monument is its metaphor.
*
Soon
after Washington's death, in 1799, at about the same time that the Monument was
being commissioned, a great deal of attention by the country's Anglo-Saxon elite
was focussed on the image of the first president. His death swiftly buried
criticism concerning any misgivings about his life as a general, and as a
president. He soon became the subject of a nationwide movement of eulogies meant
to aggrandize his personal standing. As the nation made its first steps toward
finding its national identity, George Washington became more and more the focus
of a country-wide image making campaign.
Numerous books were written about his exemplary life. the life of Washington,
written by Mason Locke Weems of Dumfries, Virginia, is a typical example of the
"myth-maker" of that era.24 The movement lasted throughout the
century and Weems' book became the prototype for many other biographies that
"deified" the "Father hero". Soon, George Washington was not only described as a
father figure, but as "more than man", and as an "immortal Olympian". His image
transcended that of national hero to become in many ways that of a mythical
"Father". Authors and orators were not content to merely extol his image above
all other heroes, some even compared Washington to Christ and his mother to the
Virgin Mary.25
Among the vast number of biographies of the era, especially those written before
1855, one could easily be led to believe that Washington was a demigod who
descended on earth with the sole purpose of creating a new country and freeing
its people, and then returned to heaven as soon as his mission was accomplished.26
The
views outlined above show how the mythical and historical processes work hand in
hand in the edification of a national identity, and how the boundaries between
the two are blurred. These processes were further endorsed by a collective
appropriation and recognition of the American hero. The cultural identification
set the standards for a social consensus that became central to the development
of the country's identity. As such, the mythologizing of George Washington
played a central role in the integration of the American political reality.
Washington the freemason
The
ceremonies we have described are revealing in many ways. At both festivities a
representative of the Freemasonry was present to honor their illustrious
brethren. Not unusual, since the brotherhood played a substantial part in the
funding of the structure. But the Monument is also a great architectural salute
to the Masons themselves. It is a worthy tribute to the first president of the
United States who was also a brethren.
George Washington was the first, but not the last, president to be a Freemason.
Several past presidents of the United States have been Freemasons, from George
Washington to Ronald Reagan, as well as 9 signers of the Declaration of
Independence and 13 signers of the Constitution.27
In
addition, many other heroes of the American Revolution were also Masons; Paul
Revere and John Hancock are only two examples. Benjamin Franklin was also a
leader of the Freemasonry in Pennsylvania, and published the first Masonic book
in America in 1734.
*
To
fully understand the foundations of America's mythical process, a few words
about the origin of the elusive brotherhood are in order.
It
evolved from the stonemason guilds of England and Scotland. When the major
building projects -mostly churches and cathedrals of Europe- came to an end,
several stonemasons who did not practice their skills any longer stayed on in
the fraternal association and formed lodges, the name given to their basic unit.
The first lodges were founded in London, England, in the late XVIIIth century.
It is at that epoch that "architecture" acquired a more metaphorical sense. The
grandiose stone buildings began to symbolize human structures, reflecting an
ideal humanity built "to the glory of the Great Architect of the Universe.
More
legendary stories attribute the origin of Masonry to the Garden of Eden. While
other versions link its beginning to the building of the pyramids of Egypt, and
to Hiram Abif, King Salomon's Master Architect, the legendary builder of the
first temple of Jerusalem.
Currently, there are more than 6 million Freemasons in the world.28
Most of them live in the U.S. and Canada. As a nonsectarian and nonpolitical
association, the fraternity appeals to a wide cross section of the male
population. They believe in a Supreme Being and emphasize the fatherhood of God
and the brotherhood of man. Freemasons are said to admit in their rank men of
every nationality, religion, and political persuasion. In order to join, a new
member must be introduced by an existing brethren.
Most
of the operations and activities of the Society are shrouded by an aura of
mystery. Most of it results from the oath of secrecy they must make in regards
to the identity of its members.
The
early American brotherhood was able to survive an anti-Masonic wave following
the abduction and possible murder of Captain William Morgan in 1826. Morgan had
planned to publish an article about Masonic secret dealings. Evidence of his
murder was linked to the Masons. The public outcry against the organization
lasted 10 years and slowly boiled down afterward.
During World War II, the Masons were outlawed and dispersed by Stalin,
Mussolini, Hitler, and Franco. After the war, they soon regained their
popularity in non-communist countries, particularly, the United States.
Among its most popular members: Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Henry Ford, Charles A.
Lindbergh, Irving Berling, Gen. Douglas McArthur, John Wayne, J. Edgar Hoover,
Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan.
Because of its Anglo-Saxon origins, nineteenth century Masonry in the U.S. might
convey the idea that the order was predominantly male, white, Anglo-Saxon and
Protestant. But a closer look at a cross-section of its members reveals that a
more accurate description would be: a white, generally non-Catholic, male
organization. In San Francisco of last century, for instance, most of the Jewish
adult male population belonged to the brotherhood. Which prompted an anonymous
Jewish brethren to write, in 1865, in the San Francisco's Hebrew:
If there be any religious
system more closely connected with the institution [of Masonry] than others, it
is Judaism.29
Although the order claims to be open to all races and all religions, the
American lodges refused to initiate any "Negro" as a brethren and rejected the
legitimacy of any "Negro" Masonic lodges. In 1775, the Grand Lodge of England
instigated the first lodge of "Negroes" in Boston, which eventually assumed the
status of grand lodge and chartered other "Negro" Prince Hall lodges. Today,
relations between the white and the American of African descent lodges have
improved.
During the time the Monument was built, the organization was mostly a middle
class order that mirrored the mores and mentality of the epoch: piety, sobriety,
moral responsibility, thrift, and industry. In many respects, it exemplified the
Protestant ethic at its best.
The
raison d'être of the brotherhood was to promote charity, equality,
fraternity, morality, and faith in the Supreme Being. It supplied its members
with a sense of fraternity, prestige, and occasionally financial aid. It also
provided business connections and networking. On a national level, Masons
claimed among its members presidents, senators, and other dignitaries who
established the rules for accessibility in the political arena.
The
fraternity's activities however were not entirely reclusive and esoteric. The
order also participated in social events. A typical example here is the role
they played in the ceremonies at the inauguration of the Washington Monument.
Another example of their social acceptance and popularity is further evidenced
by their participation at the laying of the cornerstone of the Statue of
Liberty, in 1885.
Sociologically, the Masonry reflected the craze for associations, brotherhoods,
fraternities, and women's clubs that became prominent throughout the country
during the second part of the nineteenth century.30 Between July and
September of 1874, over two hundred pledges were received by societies and
organizations from every part of the country to help fund the construction of
the Monument. The trend underlined an important facet of the American social
fabric of that era.
The
social disruption brought about by industrialization and massive immigration
had a major impact on the political institutions of Washington D.C. During these
social changes, a great number of Protestant churches were affected by the
transition. The development of the scientific vision of the world, brought forth
by the Darwinian evolutionary theories, challenged some fundamental beliefs and
tenets of the Christian faith. Fraternities like the Masonry provided its
members with a network of sanctuaries for the Old Testament precepts.
The
great influx of immigrants disrupted the basis of a stable social order
inaugurated by the Anglo-Saxon elite, of which George Washington was promoted as
a symbol. Hence, the brotherhood was a male political haven against the foreign
invasion that threatened the nation at its foundation. It gave its members a
sense of cohesion against the constant changes and chaos of the outside world.
But mostly, the organization was a stronghold to promote true "Americanism".31
The
order relied on a national network of loyal members, some of whom were among the
most powerful men in the country. These ramifications made it an effective
hierarchy. To protect their efficiency as a group, and to keep the higher
hierarchy from public scrutiny, the new members were sworn to secrecy of its
rituals. Yet the fraternity was not so much preoccupied with any esotericism
inasmuch as to keep from public view a number of secret procedures, signs, and
passwords used in the rituals which brought the brethren step by step one
echelon closer to the "light".
The
oath of secrecy also enforced among the members a sense of cohesion and
fraternity which inspired unity and the idea of belonging. It also delineated
and separated their sacred internal male world from the profane and chaotic
world outside. The brethrens, in other words, set themselves "apart" from the
uninitiated masses.
sacred vs
profane
the brotherhood vs
the outside world
order vs chaos and
strife
secrecy vs
darkness
temperance vs
helplessness
men vs women
The
ritual of initiation gave the brethren a sense of election, while the boundaries
of the Masonic temple reinforced the separation between the inside and the
outside world. The temple morally and physically edified a sacred asylum against
the non-initiated profane world.
*
Among the primary targets of the brotherhood's suspicion was the Roman Catholic
Church. The order apparently believed that the Church had a plan to convert the
entire nation and, as a final objective, to replace the president by the Pope.
They viewed the Catholic priests as diabolical, and their parishioners as sheep
devoid of any will.
This
anti-Catholic sentiment was exemplified earlier by the theft of the cornerstone
sent by the Pope. The consequence of these actions discloses to what extent they
went to exclude from the edification of the Monument any Roman Catholic content.
The
suspicion was equally shared by the Catholic Church. The mutual distrust is but
a distant echo of the split brought about by the Reformation, which consequences
we have discussed in the former chapter. The ensuing religious antagonism in
Europe explains the scope of the animosity between Catholics and Protestants
that continued to thrive in North America.
On
April 20th, 1884, less than a year before the inauguration of the Monument, Pope
Leo XIII issued the Encyclical Humanum Genus, condemning Freemasonry.32
The Papal letter criticized the brotherhood for "rising up against God Himself"
and "despoiling the nations of Christendom". The Pope further argued that the
reason for the brotherhood's obsession with the secrecy of its members was
devised to hide the insidious designs of its leaders so to escape any
retribution. Not surprisingly, Freemasonry was increasingly seen as a danger and
a challenge to the Church's authority in a politically troubled Italy. They were
suspected of secretly fomenting to infiltrate all political ranks in order to
promote secular ideas and finally to unseat the Church of its political powers.33
It
is during the XIXth century that a schism between the "regular" and the
"irregular" Masonry lodges appeared. The first, which were not condemned by the
Church, upheld the reference of "the Great Architect of the Universe" -God. They
did not get involved in politics, respected all faiths and churches, and were
not secretive.34 The second group, however, deleted the reference to
"the Great Architect of the Universe", it called for the ruin of the papacy and
the Church in Italy. In France, it was responsible for the anti-clerical laws of
the Third Republic. It even proclaimed its Masonry as "the Counter Church". It
is this secretive type of Masonry that was condemned by the Church.
The
repercussions of the sectarian antagonism can be outlined as such:
secular asceticism vs
collective asceticism
the brotherhood vs
the Catholic Church
secretive vs
visible hierarchy
individualism vs
collectivism
free
enterprise vs obedience to the Church
The
Masons' ample involvement in the funding as well as at the inauguration of the
Monument provides proof of their extensive influence on American politics as a
whole. The project embodied a conviction in the American way of life of which
George Washington is the prototype. They made sure that the erected structure
laid the foundation for a healthy "Americanism" so to endure the onslaught of
any "moral degeneracy" from the chaotic world outside. The man, the Monument,
the brethren, stand visibly erect at the center of the capital and point at all
these ideals.
As
we have seen, the distinction between the purely secular, the mythical, and the
religious is blurred in the process of the edification of the Monument of
George Washington. The mythical preempted and transcended any divisions between
any strict religious denominations and political factions in society to become
ipso facto a supra-religious reality. A religion above all other
religions, an American civil religion.
C. Moody Plummer of the
Trestleboard was only more extreme than most when he declared Protestantism
itself to be a religion of warring sects "as intolerant often of each other as
human action can be," while Masonry was "the only religion which can become
universal and is [therefore] true religion."35
American civil religion
The
term "civil religion" comes from the work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the social
contract.36 Robert N. Bellah applied the title to the American
political arena to outline the religious content of the inaugural speeches
delivered by American presidents.37
The
idea of an American civil religion first came to his attention with John F.
Kennedy's inaugural address on January 20, 1961. He noticed that his address was
full of religious references to God and the nation, described in very idyllic
form. He also noticed that most of the past presidents' inaugural speeches had
the same type of references: a call for devotion to the nation described in its
ideal form, where the divine Providence plays a guiding role in shaping the
destiny of the United States of America.
Four
statutes of the J.F.K. inaugural speech:
a)
The right to independence: "Laws of Nature and
Nature's God".
b)
All "are endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable Rights".
c)
God is witness to America's good will: "The Supreme
Judge of the world for the rectitude of our
intentions".
d)
The U.S. reliance on God's Providence: "a firm
reliance on the protection of divine Providence".
Except for the references that allude directly to a biblical God, Bellah
observes that the content of most speeches do not advocate any particular
religious creed. There is no specific mention of Jesus Christ or Yahweh, for
instance, since the purpose of the discourses is to form a consensus and
represent the multicultural aspect of the society to which they are addressed.38
Yet
Bellah notes that among the first presidents many also use references to the
Bible. Especially to suggest a connection between the New World and Israel, the
Exodus, the Chosen People, the promised land and the New Jerusalem. These
analogies, in the context of a predominantly Protestant background of the first
presidents, were inevitable.
Although Bellah acknowledges the connections with Judeo-Christian tenets, he
carefully dispels any suggestions that American civil religion has any rigid
traditional Christian content or origin, or is a substitute for Christianity. He
contends that civil religion has a different role and function than religion,
since it is specifically political. As such, it appeals to all the people of all
backgrounds. To Bellah, American civil religion is an understanding of the
American experience in terms of a "transcendent ethical vision".39
This interpretation of the universal and transcendental is only meaningful if
made in relation to the origin and destiny of the U.S. political model of
freedom and democracy. Bellah further points out that the God of civil religion
is a God of order and freedom rather than of love and forgiveness. It is a God
mostly concerned with the history and destiny of the United States.
The
American civil religion attracted a great deal of attention among the
intellectuals of the nineteen seventies. Despite Bellah's success there was
plenty of criticism, most of which was directed at the author's definition of
"religion". Especially questionable was the universal validity of its meaning.
In this respect, a more appropriate term to describe it is Paul Tillich's
definition of "quasi-religion".40
Most
of the Founding Fathers had a Christian background, more specifically,
Protestant, since most of them emigrated from Europe. With this in mind, the
American civil definition of religion is limited by these cultural and
geographical parameters. This view of religion, for instance, ignores the
aboriginal cultures that were present at the time of the foundation of this
nation. It makes the natives conspicuously "invisible".41
Furthermore, there is no mention of the cultures brought by the Americans of
African descent.42
The combat against ferocious
beasts; the wars of "the Israelites against the Philistines," of "God's chosen
people against the Indian Gentiles."43
The
religious persecution from which the first settlers escaped in Europe is
reinstated against the cultures of the natives and the slaves in America. The
antagonistic patterns of the Old World are restored in the New. The sacred
reality of the newly instituted United States of America is based on the
cultural and religious exclusion of the profane reality of the heathens and the
pagans, of which the Zuni Pueblo is one typical example.
sacred vs
profane
God of order vs
natives and slaves
Judeo-Christianity vs heathens and
pagans
United States vs aboriginal
cultures
American civil religion, as outlined by Bellah, is a supra-political institution
predominantly concerned with Judeo-Christian precepts. The historical
foundations and later developments edified and maintained the image of George
Washington as the prototype of the American civil religion. This ethical model
and the hierarchy of political power was set at the beginning. The "American"
New Order originated by the Founding Fathers was appropriately sustained to
preserve their sacred "power", as illustrated by the number of presidents since
Washington who have been Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, and white. Because of this
pattern set by the Fathers in the beginning, the Anglo-Saxons believe they have
a divine and mythical birthright to be elected president. That premise was
consecrated at the outset by the inauguration of the George Washington National
Monument, the primal model of the presidency. The only exception is John
Kennedy, a Catholic, who was killed in office.
To
that effect, the Roman saying captures the essence of sovereignty and rule of
politics, cujus regio, ejus religio: the religion of the rulers becomes
the political creed of the land.
As
we have seen, myth plays a considerable part in the evolution and integration of
ideology. The power behind the language of myth is to define, confine, and
control the scope of the national identity. By the same token, it shapes a
meaningful consensus in the whole collectivity.
American civil religion, as it relies on its governmental institutions and on
the presidency -in terms of the charisma of the office- embodies and fulfills in
many respects the same function as religion. As Bellah observed: "The answer is
that the separation of church and state has not denied the political realm of a
religious dimension."44 This remark introduces yet another very
complex point of contention: the separation of church and state. Bellah brings
up the question briefly but does not clarify the issue. No doubt there is a
danger, more so today because of the effective use of mass-media in the creation
of a national consensus. But also because the religious and the political may be
identified or confused as a single and legitimate reality by a greater number of
people living in a secularized world. As a consequence, the State becomes the
only unquestionable source of economical power and political "truth". This
theological "truth" is amply suggested by the symbol that epitomizes the
relation between Freemasonry, politics, the economy, and civil religion in
America.
1$ IN GOD WE TRUST
1$
3
The whole ceremony is related in Frederick Harvey's, ed., History of the
Washington National Monument & Washington National Monument Society, Washington
D.C., Government Printing Office, 1903.
4
Mircea Eliade, Cosmos and History, New York, Harper & Row, 1959, 12.
5
Idid. F. Harvey, 43. Taken from the National Geographic Magagazine, vol. 6, 149.
6 In
myths, the hill and the mountain are important places where the earth and the
heavens meet. It is where the divine greet the human, where the above touch the
below, and the sacred and the profane converge.
7
Ibid. F. Harvey, 224.
8
For more about the obelisks of Egypt see Labib Habachi's, The Obelisks of Egypt,
Cairo, American University in Cairo Press, 1984.
9
The same year the Immaculate Conception became an article of faith.
10
The movement also fought unsuccessfully to minimize the anti-slavery sentiments
of that time.
11
Rhetoric was later developed by Aristotle in works like Rhetoric and Topics. It
eventually became the means of putting into practice, especially with the help
of argumentation, the wisdom one acquires in philosophy. Later, the art was most
skillfully applied by the Roman master orator and statesman Cicero, as described
in his De Oratore (55 bc). In the first century ad, rhetoric became the subject
of an important educational treatise entitled Instituto oratoria by the Roman
Quintinllian. It evolved until the middle of the XIXth century into a major
educational discipline and one of the seven liberal arts. But, as the last
century faded, rhetoric as a "general" science was slowly being supplanted by
the increasingly popular natural sciences. See Walter J. Ong, Orality and
Literacy, New York, Methuen, 1982, and, Rhetoric, Romance, and Technology,
Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1971.
12
See Paul Ricoeur, The Rule of Metaphor, Toronto, University of Toronto Press,
1977.
13
Ibid. F. Harvey, 46.
14
Marcus Cunliffe, George Washington, Man and Monument, Boston, Little, Brown Co.,
1958, 213.
15
Ibid. F. Harvey, 126.
16
Ibid. F. Harvey, 130.
17
Ibid. F. Harvey, 136.
18
The speech is not included in Harvey's book.
19
Ibid. F. Harvey, 104-105. For some unknown reason the president's dedication was
overshadowed by the other addresses.
20
Ibid. F. Harvey, 214.
21
Ibid. F. Harvey, 252.
22
Ibid. F. Harvey, 278.
23
Ibid. F. Harvey, 285.
24
Mason Locke Weems, The Life of Washington, ed. Marcus Cunliffe, Cambridge,
Harvard University Press, 1962.
25
Bernard Mayo, Myths and Men, Athens, University of Georgia Press, 1959, 33, and
the whole chapter on Washington, 25-49.
26
William A. Bryan, George Washington in American Literature, 1775-1865, New York,
Columbia University Press, 1952, 118. Also, Richard V. Pierard & Robert D.
Linder, Civil Religion & the Presidency, Grand Rapids, Academie Books, 1988.
27
They are: George Washington, James Madison, James Monroe, Andrew Jackson, James
Knox Polk, James Buchanan, Andrew Jonhson, James A. Garfield, William McKinley,
both Roosevelts, William H. Taft, Warren G. Harding, Harry S. Truman, Lyndon
Jonhson, Gerald Ford, Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan.
28
In 1964 the Masonic Order enrolled about 1 out of every 12 men in the U.S.
29
"Perhaps the most surprising representatives in the Masonic non-evangelical
alliance were the large number of Jews. In Gilded-Age San Francisco, Jews
comprised 12% of the brotherhood's membership, about the same proportion which
they formed in the city's adult, white, male, non-catholic population as a
whole. Considering the strictly Protestant origins of Freemasonry, this high
proportion of Jewish members is extraordinary." Carl Guarneri, and David
Alvarez, ed., Religion and Society in the American West, New york, University
Press, 1987. p.240.
30
Between 1880 and 1900, more than 460 associations were formed in the U.S.
31
See the book by Lynn Dumenil, Freemasonry and American Culture, 1880-1930, New
Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1984, 70.
32
Leo XIII, Humanum Genus, April 20th 1884, in, The Papal Encyclicals, 1878-1903,
Raleigh, McGrath Publishing C., 1981, 91-101. He was not the only Pope to
condemn the brotherhood. Others were: Benedict XIV, Pius VII, Pius VIII, Gregory
XVI, Pius IX. The Catholic Church was not the only denomination in the U.S. to
warn against lodge affiliation. Among them: the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod,
the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod, the Christian Reformed Church, Church
of the Brethren, Assemblies of God, Society of Friends (Quakers), Mennonites,
Church of the Nazarene, Jehovah's Witnesses, The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints (Mormons), United Brethren, Wesleyan, the Free Methodist
churches, and the Seventh-day Adventist Church. General Booth of the Salvation
Army also condemned the organization. Finally, in 1874, the National Christian
Association coordinated a Protestant opposition to secret societies. However,
the ban was not strictly enforced.
33
These hostilities go back even farther in time; as early as 1738, Pope Clement
XII had already threatened to excommunicate anyone belonging to the order.
34
In Great Britain, the "regular" Masonry scrupulously obeys a law requiring it to
provide its membership list to Justice.
35
Ibid. Carl Guarneri, 236.
36
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract, in, The Essential Rousseau, New
York, New American Library, 1974.
37
Robert N. Bellah, Beyond Belief, New York, Harper & Row, 1970, 168-189.
38
George Washington's first inaugural address of April 30, 1789 alludes to God as
the "Almighty Being". It is a good example of his deist Masonic interpretation
of the divinity.
39
Robert N. Bellah, The Broken Covenant, New York, A Crossroad Book, 1975, 142.
40
Paul Tillich distinguishes "pseudo" from "quasi-religion". The first is an
intended and deceptive similarity with religion, whereas the second indicates a
genuine similarity which is not necessarily intended. See, Christianity and the
Encounter of the World Religions, New York, Columbia University Press, 1963, 5f.
41
Charles H. Long, Civil Rights, Civil Religion: Visible People and Invisible
People, in, American Civil Religion, ed. by Russel E. Richey and Donald G.
Jones, New York, Harper Forum Books, 1974.
42
Appropriately labeled by Ralph Ellison as the "Invisible Man". Ralph Ellison,
Invisible Man, New York, Vintage Books, 1972.
43
By Isaac M. Wise in a lecture given at the Theological Library Association of
Cincinnati, January 7, 1868. From, Conrad Cherry ed, God's New Israel, New
Jersey, Prentice Hall, 1971, 224.
44
Robert N. Bellah, Beyond Belief, New York, Haper & Row, 1970, 171.
